Archeological evidence, supported by comparative Indo-European linguistics and mythology, suggests a clash of two ideologies, social structures and economies perpetrated by trauma-inducing institutions. Their first contact with the borderland territories of Old Europe in the Lower Dnieper region and west of the Black Sea began around the middle of the 5th millennium BC A continuous flow of influences and people into east-central Europe was initiated which lasted for two millennia. Siberia, in China, and in Far East. In Central Asia, in S.

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Archeological evidence, supported by comparative Indo-European linguistics and mythology, suggests a clash of two ideologies, social structures and economies perpetrated by trauma-inducing institutions. Their first contact with the borderland territories of Old Europe in the Lower Dnieper region and west of the Black Sea began around the middle of the 5th millennium BC A continuous flow of influences and people into east-central Europe was initiated which lasted for two millennia.

Siberia, in China, and in Far East. In Central Asia, in S. Siberia, in China, and in far East, it was determined to be Turkification. For China, see P. Stearns Zhou Chou Culture sqq. Quite the opposite, the terms for mounted riding are absent from the Pra-Indo-European languages.

The environment of Pra-Indo-European location is connected with agriculture, not with the agriculture-inhospitable Eurasian steppes. The Pra-Altaian has both elements, terminology for mounted riding and steppe environment.

See A. Dybo Pra-Altaian World 3. The traces of the Kurgan burial tradition only exist in accidental cultural borrowings, predominantly among the royalty, be it Greece, Middle East, or China. Genetically, the timing and direction of migrations are traceable and demonstrate that the migrational flows crossed the same territories at different times and in opposing directions.

Pontic via Caucasus, Middle East, N. Africa to Spain and beyond, and the other from N. Pontic to Central Europe and beyond. Of necessity, Kurgan people lived on meat and milk. By natural selection, Kurganians were lactose tolerant. Among human populations, the lactose tolerance is a weird deviation from normal. The genetical lactose intolerance is peculiar for the Indo-Iranian, Oriental, and most Semitic people. The clines of lactose tolerance provide a bird-eye picture of the events described by Marija Gimbutas, the advent and settlement of Kurganians in Old Europe.

See the lactose tolerance maps 6. It also allows a better understanding of the Scythian westward migration, they were returning to the steppes retained in their national memory, and like the later generations of the Kurgan people, they readily buried their departed in their old kurgans. The subsequent existence of a very strong non-Indo-European linguistic and mythological substratum cannot be overlooked.

To begin to understand this complex situation, it is necessary to start thinking in terms of the social and symbolic structures of cultures. In this chapter I shall discuss the Kurgan culture of the Volga-Ural and North Pontic regions in relation to Old Europe; its influence on, infiltrations into, and destruction of the floruit of the Old European civilization. Linguistic evidence suggests that the original Indo-European homeland had to be located between the areas occupied by the Finno-Ugric, Semitic, and Caucasian linguistic families.

A discussion of this problem is beyond the scope of this book and, in my belief, beyond the reach of adequate archeological sources. And of the linguistic too, there are more theories on Indo-European Urheimat than an average IE has on both hands The materials of the Volga-Ural interfluve and beyond the Caspian Sea prior to the 7th millennium BC are, so far, not sufficient for ethnographic interpretation.

More substantive evidence emerges only around BC. Marija Gimbutas very precisely and pungently described the ethereal foundation of her theory.

For Indo-European Urheimat studies: the archeological sources are not adequate, they do not have sufficient materials for ethnographic interpretation. So, given the absence of reasons for Indo-European Urheimat constructions, Prof. The integrity level of the theory is illustrated by the fact that not even a single reference in this chapter on Kurgan people directly mentions the real historical bearers of the Kurgan tradition.

In contrast, Ptolemy honestly discussed alternatives to earn acceptance of his views. The difference between science and politics is that facing divergent opposition, the science grows, the politics wanes. If we used euphemisms in physics, we would still be living in the 18th century.

Period of what? Marija Gimbutas to describe the expansion of the eastern Kurgan Culture into Europe to postulate a renewed Indo-European Urheimat theory. The non-conforming generals of science are still being replaced like lieutenant colonels in the armed forces. The Western scholars have to face the predominant euphemistic science, and wade thru the spin ambiguities to operate with the underlying facts. For the Eurocentric-oriented scientists, the situation is generally favorable, both sides focus on advancement of the same concept.

On elements of conflict between Western scholars and Russian historiography see C. Alinei Paleolithic continuity of Indo-European, Uralic and Altaic populations in Eurasia , , No weapons except implements for hunting are found among grave goods in Europe until c. The gentle agriculturalists, therefore, were easy prey to the warlike Kurgan horsemen who swarmed down upon them.

These invaders were armed with thrusting and cutting weapons: long dagger-knives, spears, halberds, and bows and arrows.

The Kurgan tradition represents a stark contrast to the civilization of Old Europe which was, in the main, peaceful, sedentary, matrifocal, matrilineal, and sex egalitarian. The Kurgans were a warlike, patriarchal, and hierarchical culture with distinctive burial rites that included pit graves with tent- or hutlike structures of wood or stone, covered by a low cairn or earthen mound. Their economy was essentially pastoral with a rudimentary agriculture and seasonal, transient settlements of semi-subterranean houses.

All of warlike, patriarchal, and hierarchical traits are questionable. History knows more examples of symbiosis, cultural exchange, and trade then wars.

In many societies, it was agriculturists who encroached on nomadic pastures, with violence and genocide. The matriarchal vestiges remain with the Kurgan people to this day, a woman has an equal status even after and in spite of the centuries of Islamic enforcement; unlike for the IE nations, Kurgan people had Queens leading the state: Tamiris, Boarix.

The ability to drift away from an oppressor did not allow authoritarian regimes to take hold, all nomadic states were and remain unions and confederations with a variation of a parliamentary system, take the modern Kazakh Juzes. The Kurgan tradition became manifest in Old European territories during three waves of infiltration: I at c. This chronology does not represent the evolution of a single group but of a number of various steppe peoples who shared a common tradition, extending over broad temporal and spacial parameters.

People were artists, that is clear, no need to invent mysticism. Kuybyshev was a Stalinist-period re-naming that replaced one venerated Turkic name with another name in an ignorant belief that it was not Turkic. Sacrifices only in a perfunctory sense, in reality the grave inventory is not a donation to supernatural beings prospecting for reciprocal favors, which is a definition of sacrifice, but supplying a departed with necessities for travel to another word.

Entirely missing is understanding that these are the earliest relicts associated with the Tengriism etiology Samara culture; early Eneolithic of the Volga region, c. L of horse 11 cm; L of oxen heads 12cm. The livelihood and mobility of the Kurgan people depended on the domesticated horse, in sharp contrast to the Old European agriculturalists to whom the horse was unknown.

Pastoral economy, growing herds of large animals, horse riding, and the need for male strength to control the animals must have contributed to the transition from matrism to armored patrism in southern Russia and beyond at the latest around BC Although the accurate date of this process as yet is difficult to establish, it certainly started much earlier than BC, the date used for the transition to patrism and violence in Saharasia caused by the pressures of severe desertification; see Demeo The oldest traditions of the known Kurgan people, Bulgarians ca 5th c.

AD, tell about physical and social equality of sexes, male pretenders having to wrestle with his bride-to-be and not infrequent defeats, as well as female sexual freedom prior to marriage, and Amazon-type female warriors. As a minimum, the allegations of patrism are strongly exaggerated. The situation resembles the gap between the Chinese annals and Chinese archeology: studying the Bulgar kurgans, an archeologist would come to the same wrongful conclusions of unequal sexes, of patrism, and male warrior society as was advanced by Prof.

Marija Gimbutas. The medium-sized horses that survived belong to one single species, Equus fems Boddaeit, and can be divided into two subspecies, the tarpan Equus ferns gmelini Antonius] and the taki Przewalski type.

Small groups of the wild tarpan continued to live in eastern Europe until the end of the 19th century when unbridled hunting caused their extinction. The Kurgan people learned how to control and exploit wild animals, the animals remained wild well into the 2nd millennium AD.

A better concept for nomadic herds is acculturation, horses are trained from birth that humans are not dangerous. The wild herds were left wild in open ranges the whole year around, led by a tamed stallion trained to lead the herd, pretty much like the present-time lions in the wild country safari zoo, minus feeding and vets; only a limited number of mares was corralled for milking, riding, and draft, and even smaller number of stallions were castrated and corralled for riding and draft.

The type of horses is also grossly misunderstood. The nomads used two types simultaneously, one for meat, the other for work, including riding. Naturally, the bone remains found at the settlements are the remains of the smaller food horses, the work horses could be used for food only at times of need, apparently the horse breeders had the same aversion to eating riding and working horses as it exists today.

In the burials were left the riding horses, needed for travel to the other world. Accordingly, no traces of bit teeth wear would be found in the settlement rubbish piles. The genetics and genesis of the horses made great strides with improved genetic analysis.

Testing of more isolated modern Norse horses gave a relatively recent date of their departure from Mongolia at ca. Horse domestication may have taken place in the area between the eastern Ukraine and the northern Kazakhstan around BC. Botai culture BC The earliest artifacts associated with the cult of the horse and evidence for horse sacrifice see cult and sacrifice above have been discovered in the Middle Volga region from this time, i.

Horse skulls and long bones were found above the burials in sacrificial hearths. Pletneva studied years older kurgan necropolises of the N. Nothing like exist in the IE milieu. See S. Pletneva Kipchaks Bones from a domesticated horse have been analyzed at Deieivka in the Lower Dnieper basin, 70 kilometers from the town of Kremenchug. Fifteen fragments of sexable horse mandibles found at this site were those of young adult or juvenile males, which suggests an advanced stage of domestication.

For a dietician, and a pastoralist, all that tells is that young adult or juvenile male horses were less needed in the economy, and were tastier than the aged variety.

No difference from the current pastoralist practices By the middle of the 5th millennium BC, large herds of horses were kept in the forest steppe and steppe zone between the Lower Dnieper on the west and northern Kazakhstan. The analysis of animal bones in the settlement at Repin on the bank of the Don River has shown that 80 percent of all domesticated animal bones belonged to the horse. There, horse bones constitute about 90 percent of all domesticated animal bones.

Of greater importance, however, was its ability to be ridden, which must have occurred from the initial domestication. Although cattle, sheep, and goats can be easily herded on foot, riding was essential for large-scale horse breeding. Antler tine antler branch cheek pieces, possibly used as bridle equipment, have been found in the Sredniy Sredny Stog sites of the middle of the 5th millennium BC six occurred at Dereivka.

Pairs of cheek pieces were found in graves or were associated with a ritual pit which included the skull, mandible, and leg bones of a stallion and the skulls and foreparts of two dogs.

The significance of the dogs in the kurgan burials is the same as horses, food, implements, or the fill of the kurgan itself. Kurgan is a pile of the pastureland soil, pasture is needed for the mounted travel to the other world.


Kurgan hypothesis

Thanks mikka. Maykop culture has been redone. Interestingly, in Napoleon Bonaparte used this hill as his "command center" during the most critical part of the famous "Battle of Austerlitz. If it existed, half of WP references would be incapacitated. Deleting references and contents under pretense of "only English" is vandalism.



In , Gimbutas published her Kurgan hypothesis , about the origins of the Indo-European speaking peoples. This proposed that the Indo-Europeans might be identified with a group of cultures including the Sredny Stog and Yamna culture that existed on the Pontic-Caspian steppes north of the Black Sea in contemporary Ukraine and Russia. She proposed to identify the Indo-European speakers with the archeological expansion of "kurgan" burial customs and a distinctive sort of tomb and grave goods that appears, first north of the Black Sea, and that later appears in the Balkan region and Central Europe. This hypothesis has received wide, but not universal, acceptance among Indo-European scholars. Late work: the goddess culture of old Europe[ edit ] Gimbutas at the site of Newgrange, Ireland.


Teoria kurganica

Kurgans were used in Ukrainian and Russian steppes, their use spreading with migration into eastern, central, and northern Europe in the 3rd millennium BC. Introduced by Marija Gimbutas in , it combines kurgan archaeology with linguistics to locate the origins of the peoples who spoke the Proto-Indo-European language. She tentatively named the culture "Kurgan" after its distinctive burial mounds and traced its diffusion into Europe. The hypothesis has had a significant impact on Indo-European studies. Scholars who follow Gimbutas identify a "Kurgan culture" as reflecting an early Proto-Indo-European ethnicity that existed in the steppes and in southeastern Europe from the 5th millennium to the 3rd millennium BC. In Kurgan cultures, most burials were in kurgans, either clan or individual. Most prominent leaders were buried in individual kurgans, now called "royal kurgans".

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